Workers Solidarity Movement position paper on Pacifism, Terrorism and Beyond as ratified at April 2006 National Conference
Workers Solidarity Movement position paper on Pacifism, Terrorism and Beyond as ratified at April 2006 National Conference
a Workers Solidarity Movement
position paper
position paper
Pacifism, Terrorism and Beyond
1. There are three basic positions which can be adopted on the
'violence question' - pacifism, terrorism or defensive violence. With
regret we have to dismiss pacifism as being hopelessly unrealistic.
Restricting a struggle to pacifism or non-violent direct action in a
campaign or strike can in certain circumstances seriously undermine
that struggle. We are against the adoption of such tactics as a
principle.
2. We reject "propaganda by deed", regarding it as elitist, at
best ineffectual but more commonly counter-productive.
3. Terrorism is an attempt to substitute an armed vanguard for the
class. The murder of individuals in no way weakens the system.
Bosses, police and so on are all replaceable. What does actually
happen is that the lives of working people are often put at risk
which makes it easier for the state to introduce more repressive
measures with mass support. Such armed groups are only adventurists
who have no confidence in the ability of ordinary people to make a
revolution.
4. Even if sizable popular support can be won for armed struggle
it still means that a small group is attempting to substitute itself
for the class, and is therefore opposed to the methods of anarchism
which are about involving the masses in self-managed action. In the
conditions of any country with an industrial working class of any
size there is no excuse for such carry on.
5. This is not to say that we deny the sincerity of those who take
up the gun in an attempt to change society, merely that their method
is a wrong one. In the concrete situation of Ireland today we do not
support the Provo campaign but we always make our position clear that
the primary responsibility lies with the system which leads the
Provos to resist in that manner.
6. Revolution should be as bloodless as possible. Violence becomes
inevitable as the ruling class will not give up their power and
wealth without a bloody struggle. Our violence will be in defence of
the gains of the revolution. We will work to minimise it by winning
the armed forces to the side of the workers. The defence of the
revolution will be organised through a workers' militia under the
control of the people. The need for such violence will be almost
universally understood.
7. Short of revolution there are many occasions on which the state
uses violence to break the collective power of the working class.
Picket lines and demonstrations are attacked and activists victimised
and jailed. We always support those victimised and defend them from
state repression.
8. On occasions demonstrations or strikes can turn to violence. We
recognise that this is an inevitable feature of large scale
resistance to the bosses. In such cases where violence is inevitable
we argue for the creation of self-managed defence squads under
democratic mass control. It may occur in smaller situations due to
frustration or the necessity of intimidating scabs. While the best
way of winning is mass action we nevertheless defend those involved
from state repression. In cases where such manifestations can only
damage the struggle we argue against such tactics. In cases where
they are correct we argue for the greatest democratic control of
their use and implementation.
9. We do not support the tactic of small groups provoking a
violent response from the state in order to "radicalise" the
majority. In fact this often is used by the state to victimise
activists and intimidate those involved. Unless a mass base of
support exists for violence as a tactic it will just serve to create
a gulf between an active minority and the passive majority. Any
decision to use violence must have mass support. In any case we never
side with the state against such groups.
10. We do not glorify and encourage random attacks on members of
the ruling class. Attacks on individuals or their property may well
demonstrate an ineffective expression of legitimate anger but the
function of anarchists is to argue for collective action by the
working class. Encouraging individual actions is little more then a
toned down "propaganda by deed". Such tactics may make individual
members of the ruling class uncomfortable but in no way undermines
the ability of this class to rule. Obviously we defend those who show
their anger in this way but we also argue that such energy is better
directed at winning mass support for anarchist ideas and methods.
Amended December 1991, ratified at April 2006 National Conference

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